Interview with One Democratic State Initiative

Introduction

The One Democratic State Initiative (ODSI) represents a distinctive political position in the struggle for the liberation of Palestine. We are reasonably sure that other individuals and perhaps organizations, that we don’t know about, hold similar views and we do not intend to elevate this organization above others in that struggle. On the other hand, when all but all of our attention is focused on the immediate need to end the Israeli invasion of Gaza, it remains important to think beyond the current catastrophe and imagine a political resolution that can bring freedom to all the residents of Palestine—“from the river to the sea.”

We asked Hassan Abou Ibrahim, a representative of the One Democratic State Initiative, to tell us about their political mission, their organization and their activities. In part, we did so because of our recollection of the different views of race and nation that emerged during the struggle against apartheid in South Africa. Notably, Neville Alexander, a well-known activist and writer who was in organizations to the left of the African National Congress (ANC), developed the thesis that the potentially most desirable resolution of the national liberation question in that country would be the establishment of “One Azania, One Nation.” For him, Azania would consist of all the residents of the country who expressed their willingness to be a part of a new nation, with no exceptions or differences being accorded to the racial groups established and enforced by the apartheid regime and effectively accepted by the ANC. There would be no status of African, Coloured, Asian or white recognized in the new society. That position did not prevail in the post-apartheid state and we continue to see the consequences in the miserable reality of South Africa today.

The ODSI has a position much like that of Alexander’s and it deserves to be understood and engaged with. We hope that this interview advances that purpose.

Hard Crackers: Can you tell us what defines the One Democratic State project?

ODSI: The definition of the One Democratic State (ODS) project is grounded in the principle that a sovereign state encompassing historical Palestine must distinguish between the native Palestinians and the foreigners. The political project we are proposing to foreigners and natives grants to them rights on the basis of their being citizens, not of their belonging (or not) to a certain identitarian group. This direct relationship implies the absence of institutional intermediaries between the future citizens and this single state. Explicitly, the legitimacy of the one democratic state cannot be based on identity, whether religious or ethnic or other.

By incorporating all natives, and by offering non-natives the choice to remain as citizens rather than settlers in the land of historical Palestine, ODS aims to address the distortions inflicted by the Zionist settler colonial state on Palestinians (its primary victims) and Jews (its secondary victims). Our goal is to achieve this without resorting to religious or identity-based conflict. Transitioning into a genuine democracy implies the end of apartheid, the eradication of structural racism between Palestinians and Jews as well as among Jews of different origins. It also involves addressing regional hostility and instability induced by Zionism. (The Initiative’s web page is at https://www.odsi.co/en/).

HC: What are the origins of ODS?

ODSI: ODS is deeply rooted in the historical and geopolitical realities of Palestine, and the idea of a single democratic as a solution is not new. It has actually been the Palestinian view for over a century now, even since before the Nakba. In the late 60s it was formulated by the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) which advocated for a secular democratic state in Palestine, encompassing all the land between the Jordan River and the Mediterranean Sea. This proposition was very progressive as it prioritized democratic principles and secular governance over the politicization of ethnic or religious identities. Prominent scholars like Edward Said and Ilan Pappé have extensively analyzed these origins and the evolution of potential solutions. Said, a leading figure in post-colonial studies, emphasized the impact of Western imperialism and the subsequent displacement and disenfranchisement of the Palestinian people. Ilan Pappé, an Israeli historian, has critically examined the role of early Zionist movements in the establishment of Israel and the displacement of Palestinians during the 1948 Arab-Israeli War. Both have advocated for a single democratic and secular state where all people living between the river and the sea have equal democratic and civil rights.

Today, the One Democratic State Initiative (ODSI) embodies this vision, and is reaching out to Palestinian and allied individuals and organizations to center the Palestinian liberation discourse around ODS as a solution.

HC: What distinguishes the ODS Initiative’s project from other groups that support Palestinian liberation?

ODSI: Our project stands out in that we are focused on reclaiming the narrative and centering it on the solution, not on means. This is not to say that means are not important—but for them to be effective, there must be a clear, long-term objective. You could see that means are the “how” while ODS is the “what for”. So we don’t call on other groups that support Palestinian liberation groups to stop what they’re doing and start talking about ODS instead, but rather to keep doing what they’re doing and counter Zionist cultural hegemony by making ODS an explicit part of their discourse. In practical terms, this means that we call on armed factions resisting, BDS groups boycotting and lobbying, or activists raising awareness, to keep doing so, not simply as a reaction to Israeli crimes, but as a liberation movement that aims at imposing a transition from a state exclusive to some, to a state inclusive of all those willing — a transition from Zionism to democracy — and to be vocal about it.

HC: What’s your view of the current situation in Palestine?

ODSI: The current situation in Palestine is marked by the enduring legacies of settler colonialism, where oppression and apartheid describe the dynamics at play. The Gaza Strip, the West Bank, and 1948 Palestine remain epicenters of conflict, with the humanitarian situation in Gaza being particularly dire due to blockades and military actions. Settlements continue to proliferate in the West Bank, where the number of settlers has increased significantly despite international accords intended to limit such growth, and Palestinians with Israeli citizenship continue to be governed by sets of discriminatory laws compared to Jewish Israelis. The occupation of other land in Syria and Lebanon contributes to the ongoing strife and reflects the broader regional tensions. Within the 1948 Palestinian territories themselves, segregation is manifest between Jews and Palestinians, of course, but also among various Jewish communities—Ashkenazi, Mizrahi, Ethiopian Jews. All of these “symptoms” of settler colonialism underscore the challenges it presents for peace and equity.

More recently, regardless of the advanced technology and the height of the segregation wall around Gaza, and regardless of what we think of it, October 7th showed that Israelis cannot live in security as long as the Zionist regime continues its domination. This completely discredited the Zionist claim that “all Jews should gather in a single land and establish a state exclusive to them to be safe”. In this sense, the Palestinian resistance’s counterattack shook the basis of Zionism’s alleged legitimacy. This, in addition to the human toll, could be an opportunity to end the settler-colonial Zionist regime in the land of Palestine.

HC: Have you adopted any new strategic or tactical responses in light of the assault on Gaza?

ODSI: The basic mission and strategies are the same: Networking with Palestinians and allies in order to reclaim the narrative and centering it around the solution. ODS (the vision and the initiative) is not a reaction to the “symptoms” but a reaction to the root issue and an antithesis to it, so it remains essentially the same no matter how Israeli settler colonialism or the Palestinian resistance to it manifest themselves.

We do however react to these manifestations and adopt new tactics. For example, we are conveying heartfelt appeals for Gazans to stand strong against the attempts to uproot them from their land. This included emotional videos and written messages, first to our coordinators and supporters there, and second to all other Palestinians there. Our message to Palestinians outside Gaza includes calls to rise and support their sisters and brothers there, on the ground that “if we do not stand together, we will be killed one after the other (a message that also targets Lebanon and Jordan). We have also warned against losing everything Gaza’s resistance and steadfastness have achieved in identitarian proposals such as the “two-state proposal” that was brought forward by some Hamas leaders, and have made more prominent calls for the establishment of a state for all its citizens by other Hamas leaders as well as by other Palestinian, Arab and foreign prominent individuals.

Outside the region, we published an “open letter to our Jewish allies”, which was signed by 14,000 Palestinians, and which thanks our Jewish allies for their efforts, underscore their importance in discrediting the Zionist claim that it represents all Jews and that the Palestinian liberation movement is therefore an antisemitic one, and call on them to adopt a clear vision for an inclusive, secular, democratic Palestinian state as the antithesis to the settler colony. This letter was extremely well received and an appeal adopting it was signed by more than 1000 politicians, officials, activists, journalists and others. Of course, we have also been present on the ground inside and outside Palestine, taking part in demonstrations with banners, posters and flyers focusing on the solutions. We’ve also networking with a number of pro-Palestinian political parties, trade unions and other organizations and played a role in a number of statements supporting the transition from Zionism to democracy as the solution in Palestine. We invite those interested in knowing more about these to read more about it on our social media and to sign up to our newsletter to keep updated.

HC: How do you think what seems utopian might become real?

ODSI: While the decolonization of Palestine may appear utopian, it can be seen as a political endeavor with viable historical models for achieving peace and equality. Drawing parallels from South Africa’s journey to dismantle apartheid, the Algerian War of Independence, the Northern Ireland peace process, and the civil rights movement in the United States, there are lessons to be applied. All started as utopian ideas that became real.

To go back to Palestine: It is true that the power balance is currently not in favor of a democratic solution. However, the obvious failure of the two-state proposal, Israel’s further slide into fascism, efforts by Palestinians and allies (including the armed resistance, BDS and other efforts), as well as Zionism’s inner contradictions as a movement that politicizes identity, can tip the balance in favor of the decolonization and democratization of Palestine. But first and foremost, the Zionist project must be faced with its radical antithesis: a political project that views humans as humans, not as tribal blocks. This is why the Initiative’s role at reclaiming the narrative and centering it around the solution, a transition from the “Jewish state” to a secular, democratic state, is essential for this “utopia” to become real.

HC: Can you tell us a bit about your supporters? Are they young? Are they men and women? Where do they live? What political work do they conduct?

ODSI: Our supporters are a diverse group representing various demographics and geographies. They primarily include Palestinians from Gaza, the 1948 territories, the West Bank, and the diaspora. But they also include allies from different ethnic and religious backgrounds, including Jews, Arabs and others. The age range is mostly young, in their 30s, and they are both men and women. Their work revolves around three aspects of networking:

• Virtual Networking: Includes all aspects of our virtual networking such as managing the website, inboxes, newsletter, social media pages, social media advertising and social media activity.
• Political Networking: Consists of mapping pro-Palestinian actors and reaching out to them with the objective of them 1) adopting and declaring their support of the ODS solution and 2) networking with other ODS supporters.
• Geographic Networking: Consists of 1) networking with supporters and 2) reaching out to others on the ground. This includes mapping physical locations of supporters and putting them in contact with local coordinators and assisting these coordinators with holding face-to-face meetings with supporters, public events and other kinds of field work.

We invite all who share our vision to sign up and take part in these efforts!

Follow-Up Question

HC: Thanks again for your responses. Several members of the Hard Crackers Editorial Group expressed their conviction that, after reading those responses, they were unsure about exactly what your organization did. The emphasis on “networking” suggested a mostly passive role rather than an active one. Could you help us better understand what you are doing. Perhaps it might help you understand what we mean by that question if we emphasized the importance that Hard Crackers attaches to stories as a way of illuminating political issues. We’d really like to hear some of your stories.

ODSI: Before discussing the actions we have taken, let me clarify something: ODSI is a political organization, and as members, we are responsible for the political actions we take. Before delving into political actions, it’s important to emphasize that the Palestinian people are dispersed worldwide, and in each country, we must adapt our organization to national laws and social norms. One example is our inability to open a bank account in France due to a high administrative decision.

Therefore, actions such as elections or syndical work are not possible until we have a sufficiently solid organization. For these reasons, we define our movement as an initiative and not a party, for instance.

The focus on political networking in the prior emails is for this reason. A necessary action, if not sufficient, is defining a scope of pro-Palestinian actors. Through this political networking, we are engaging in real, not ritualistic, democratic work. This opens the debate on questions we haven’t addressed yet, potentially altering priorities. Of course, under a unified framework, we are creating a new imaginary entity: the old, yet absent proposition of a ‘One Democratic State.’ Through this, as members, we gain experience in positioning ourselves regarding future events.

While it’s important for us to gain human resources, the primary objective is for pro-Palestinian actors to align with us against the danger of the two-state proposition and to regain control in our capacity to negotiate and resist. Our proposed discourse could become a reference for political actions that other actors could take.

Our social media efforts reached all Palestinians in Palestine in 2023, as well as hundreds of thousands of Israelis and millions of Palestinians and allies worldwide. Close to 200,000 people have visited our website, with over 1000 signing up as supporters. We’ve expanded from Facebook and Reddit to Instagram and X (linktr.ee/odsinitiative)).

Personally, in the last two months in France, I did the following: I spoke at the event “For Climate and Social Justice in Palestine: Towards a Convergence of Struggles,” organized by Alternatiba Paris. My speech involved redefining Zionism, explaining our interpretation of peace, and discussing how we can fight while being white. The interventions were interesting, and exploring the link between ecological struggle and decolonization could be relevant for our initiative.

I also participated in an event organized by the feminist collective ‘Du Pain et Des Roses’ of “La Révolution Permanente.” Although the discussion began on Palestine, it shifted towards the actions of the collective in France, particularly around the new migration law. I tried to bring the debate back to Palestine by presenting our initiative. I reacted against the idea of solidarity between Israeli workers and Palestinians due to the colonial status of Israelis. The collective provided counter-examples from colonial Algeria. This sparked a debate and several persons expressed an interest to know our initiative more.

I would also like to mention Stop Arming Israel – France, with which I have good contact. 

Looking ahead to January 2024, I will try to establish contacts with journalists to publish articles presenting our initiative and our political position.

We would love to hear your feedback. If you have other questions to address, let us know.